How do people respond when the demographics of their community change—and what reduces prejudice?
Drawing on research from Ryan Enos, Robert Putnam, Jennifer Richeson, and Linda Tropp
At-a-glance:
Students investigate social science research on how demographic change affects attitudes toward immigration and diversity. Through a structured inquiry, students analyze experimental findings, synthesize patterns across multiple studies, and apply evidence-based frameworks for reducing prejudice. Rather than passively receiving information, students act as social scientists—examining research design, interpreting findings, and connecting evidence to real-world applications.
This lesson bridges individual psychology (Why do people react this way?) with systems thinking (What conditions produce these reactions? How can they be changed?). Students emerge understanding that while prejudiced responses to demographic change are common, they’re neither inevitable nor unchangeable.
Learning Objectives:
Students will:
Connects to Re-Imagining Migration Dispositions:
Common Core State Standards – English Language Arts:
Reading Standards for Literacy in History/Social Studies:
Speaking and Listening Standards:
C3 Framework for Social Studies:
Dimension 2 – Psychology/Sociology:
Dimension 3 – Evaluating Sources and Using Evidence:
Dimension 4 – Communicating Conclusions:
AP Psychology:
AP U.S. Government:
Display this scenario (no context yet):
In 2012, a researcher conducted an experiment on Boston commuter trains:
- Selected 9 train stations in predominantly white suburbs
- For 10 consecutive weekdays during morning rush hour
- Had pairs of Spanish speakers stand on platforms, speaking Spanish to each other
- Surveyed commuters before and after about their views on immigration
What do you predict happened to commuters’ attitudes?
Think-Pair-Share:
Don’t reveal findings yet. Chart predictions on board.
Distribute: Handout 1 – Enos Experiment (methodology AND findings)
Small groups analyze the research design (5 minutes):
Brief whole class share (5 minutes):
Groups share key observations. Teacher charts:
Key teaching point: “Good research design answers specific questions well—but every study has limitations. Part of thinking like a social scientist is recognizing what a study can and can’t tell us.”
Look at the findings section of Handout 1:
Commuters exposed to Spanish speakers showed:
Small groups discuss (5 minutes): “What might explain this pattern? Why did attitudes change this way?”
Whole class: Chart interpretations (5 minutes)
Don’t evaluate—just collect student ideas:
Reveal Enos’s interpretation (5 minutes):
Enos concluded:
Discussion (3 minutes): “How is Enos’s interpretation different from just saying ‘people don’t like immigrants’? What’s the difference?”
Key takeaway: “Enos showed prejudiced responses are common but changeable. They depend on conditions—and conditions can be designed.”
Introduce concept: Social scientists call this demographic anxiety or demographic threat—the psychological response some people have to perceived changes in their community’s makeup. We’re going to examine what triggers it and, more importantly, what reduces it.
Individual quick-write:
“Based on today’s experiment, what conditions might make people more or less anxious about demographic change?”
Collect or have students keep for Day 3 synthesis.
Present the scenario:
Robert Putnam is a Harvard sociologist who studies “social capital”—the networks, trust, and civic engagement that make communities function. In 2000, he published Bowling Alone, documenting declining civic participation in America.
Then he conducted a massive study of 41 communities across the US, examining how ethnic diversity affects social capital. He found something that troubled him so much he delayed publishing for several years.
What do you think he found? Why might it trouble him?
Think-Pair-Share predictions
Reveal the findings:
In more ethnically diverse communities (in the short term):
Distribute: Handout 2 – Putnam Excerpts
Small groups read and analyze (5 minutes):
The handout includes:
Groups answer:
Pose the question to the class:
“Putnam found that diverse communities show lower trust and civic engagement. What might explain this pattern?”
Chart student interpretations (don’t evaluate yet—just collect):
Possible interpretations students might suggest:
Then reveal what Putnam concluded:
Putnam argued these effects are:
His recommendation: Don’t reduce diversity—build better support for diverse communities.
Discussion: “Same data, different possible interpretations. Why did Putnam conclude this? What evidence would support his interpretation over others?”
Key point: “Data doesn’t interpret itself. Putnam documented a pattern. He interpreted it as a transitional challenge requiring institutional support—not as evidence that diversity itself is problematic. Interpretation matters.”
Present as puzzle:
Jennifer Richeson (social psychologist at Yale) studies what happens when white Americans hear demographic projections—specifically, that the U.S. will become “majority-minority” (no single racial/ethnic group holds majority).
Poll the class: “Predict: When people hear this projection, do their policy preferences become more liberal or more conservative?”
Reveal findings:
Distribute: Handout 3 – Richeson Summary
Small groups: Interpret the data (5 minutes)
“Why might hearing demographic projections trigger these responses?”
Chart student interpretations:
Reveal Richeson’s interpretation (5 minutes):
Richeson concluded this is status threat:
Key insight: If framing changes responses to identical facts, reactions aren’t about the demographics themselves—they’re about how we understand change.
Teacher synthesis:
“All three researchers found that demographic change can trigger prejudiced responses. But notice what else they all found:
These aren’t inevitable reactions. They’re conditional and malleable. Tomorrow we’ll examine what conditions actually reduce prejudice.”
Frame the shift:
“We’ve examined how demographic change can trigger prejudiced responses. Today: What reduces prejudice? What does the research say actually works?“
Introduce Pettigrew and Tropp:
Linda Tropp (UMass Amherst) and Thomas Pettigrew conducted a meta-analysis—they analyzed over 500 studies with more than 250,000 participants asking: Does contact between different groups reduce prejudice?
Quick poll: “Based on Enos, predict: Does contact reduce prejudice or increase it?”
The Finding:
Contact consistently reduces prejudice across studies, contexts, and groups.
BUT—not all contact works the same way.
Distribute: Handout 4 – Contact Conditions Framework
Present Pettigrew and Tropp’s findings:
Contact reduces prejudice most effectively when these conditions are present:
Plus:
Discussion: “This is based on 500+ studies. This framework is robust. We know what works. Now let’s use it to make sense of what we learned.”
Small groups: Apply contact conditions retrospectively
Assign each group one of the studies we examined. Using Handout 4, analyze through Tropp’s framework:
Group 1: Enos Train Platform
Group 2: Putnam’s Hunkering Down
Group 3: Richeson’s Framing Effects
Share out (8 minutes):
Each group briefly presents. Teacher synthesizes on board:
| Study | What We Saw | Missing Contact Conditions | What Would Help |
|---|---|---|---|
| Enos | Initial anxiety, then adaptation | No interaction, no common goals, no equal status | Structured interaction with shared purpose |
| Putnam | Short-term hunkering down | Depends on community, but often missing bridging opportunities | Bridging institutions that create connections |
| Richeson | Framing effects | “Threat” framing positions groups as competitors | Shared identity framing creates common goals |
Key Insight: “The problem isn’t diversity itself—it’s the absence of conditions that allow diverse people to connect meaningfully. Enos, Putnam, and Richeson showed us what happens without those conditions. Tropp shows us what creates them.”
Start with the key distinction:
“Before we design anything, we need to understand something critical. What’s the difference between a diverse student body and actual contact conditions that reduce prejudice?”
Guided discussion (5 minutes):
“Think about our school [or a school you know]. It might have students from many different backgrounds in the same building. Let’s analyze: Where are Tropp’s conditions actually present? Where are they missing?”
Chart student observations – both:
Where conditions ARE working: [Teacher charts what students observe – might include: sports teams, certain classes, clubs, specific teachers’ approaches, school events, etc.]
Where conditions are MISSING: [Teacher charts what students observe – might include: tracking, social segregation, lack of structured interaction, etc.]
Key insight: “Just being in the same building isn’t enough. Most ‘diverse’ schools have proximity without the conditions that actually reduce prejudice. In fact, as Enos showed, proximity without the right conditions can sometimes increase prejudice. But notice – some parts of school life DO create these conditions. So when we design programs, we’re learning from what already works and extending it to places where conditions are missing.”
Now brainstorm programs (10 minutes):
“Now imagine: You could design any program, activity, or change to build connection across difference in your school or community. What would you create? Don’t worry about whether it’s realistic or perfect – just dream. What would you try?”
As students share ideas, chart them and occasionally ask:
Students might suggest:
If students struggle to start: “Think about a place in school where different groups don’t really connect. What could make that different?”
“Or think about something that already works well for connection – how could we do more of that?”
Individual quick-write:
Choose one prompt:
Optional: 2-3 volunteers share
Critical context:
Strategies:
Watch for students who:
If this happens:
When students express views shaped by demographic threat narratives:
Student: “So diversity does cause problems…”
Redirect: “Let’s be precise about what the research found. Rapid demographic change without institutional support can create short-term challenges in trust and civic engagement. What did researchers recommend? Policies to build connection. There’s a big difference between ‘diversity causes problems’ and ‘communities need support during demographic transitions.'”
Student: “But people have a right to be comfortable in their own community…”
Respond: “That’s an interesting claim—let’s examine it. Who gets to decide what ‘their’ community is? Communities have always changed. What makes one person’s discomfort more important than another person’s belonging? This is exactly why conditions matter—Tropp shows us how to build communities where everyone can be comfortable.”
Student: “This feels like you’re saying white people are bad…”
Respond: “Not at all. This research documents patterns in how all humans can respond to rapid change—with anxiety. That’s not about being bad, it’s about psychology. The key finding is that these responses are changeable. We’re not studying who’s good or bad—we’re studying what conditions create prejudice versus what conditions reduce it.”
“Isn’t Enos’ experiment kind of manipulative?”
Good question. Research ethics require informed consent, but participants weren’t told the study’s purpose until after (deception is allowed if debriefing happens and no harm is caused). The Spanish speakers were paid and knew they were participating in research. This raises valid questions about who gets studied and how.
“So should we just not tell people about demographic change?”
Richeson’s findings don’t mean hiding information. They mean being intentional about framing. People have a right to information. We also have a responsibility to present it accurately—emphasizing shared community, not us vs. them.
“What if contact doesn’t work?”
Tropp’s research shows contact works when conditions are met. If contact isn’t reducing prejudice, check: Are groups in equal-status positions? Is there cooperation toward shared goals? Is there institutional support? If these are missing, that’s what needs to change.
“This seems like it’s all on white people…”
These particular studies focus on white American responses because researchers wanted to understand demographic threat. Other research examines how all groups navigate diverse contexts. Everyone participates in creating or undermining contact conditions, but these studies specifically looked at majority group responses.
If students completed the “Migration Narratives” lesson:
If this is standalone:
Students demonstrate understanding through:
Formal Assessment Option:
Short essay (2-3 pages) responding to one prompt:
Option 1: Explain how Pettigrew and Tropp’s contact framework helps us understand the findings from Enos, Putnam, and Richeson. What do these studies tell us about when demographic change increases prejudice versus when it doesn’t?
Option 2: Design a school-based program to reduce prejudice using Pettigrew and Tropp’s framework. Explain how your program creates each of the four contact conditions and why each matters.
Option 3: These studies focus on white American responses to demographic change. What research questions aren’t being asked? If you were a researcher, what would you study and why? How might different research questions lead to different understandings?
These bodies of research have become foundational—and controversial—in debates about immigration, diversity, and multiculturalism. Teaching this research helps students:
Ryan Enos’ Contribution:
Robert Putnam’s Contribution:
Jennifer Richeson’s Contribution:
Pettigrew and Tropp’s Contribution:
Critiques of This Research Agenda:
This lesson deepens concepts from “Understanding Anti-Immigrant Prejudice: A Guide for Educators”:
Contact Hypothesis (from primer): Tropp’s research provides the evidence base. Contact reduces prejudice when conditions are met—this is why schools as “belonging infrastructure” matters.
Putnam’s “Hunkering Down”: Provides evidence for why intentional institutional support during demographic transition is essential. Without it, even well-intentioned diversity can create temporary isolation.
Enos’ Findings: Illustrate how proximity without quality interaction can increase prejudice. This is why the primer emphasizes structured opportunities for meaningful engagement.
Richeson’s Work: Demonstrates how narrative framing (from narratives lesson) operates psychologically. Same information, different frame, different response.
Integration: All four researchers document that prejudice emerges from specific conditions—and different conditions reduce it. This is why schools can be belonging infrastructure: they control conditions.
This lesson draws on framing research from the FrameWorks Institute, particularly their work on demographic change and immigration narratives. FrameWorks emphasizes:
For more on FrameWorks’ approach to immigration communications: frameworksinstitute.org
Allport, G. W. (1954). The Nature of Prejudice. Addison-Wesley.
Craig, M. A., & Richeson, J. A. (2014). On the precipice of a “majority-minority” America: Perceived status threat from the racial demographic shift affects White Americans’ political ideology. Psychological Science, 25(6), 1189-1197. https://doi.org/10.1177/0956797614527113
Enos, R. D. (2014). Causal effect of intergroup contact on exclusionary attitudes. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 111(10), 3699-3704. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.1317670111
Enos, R. D. (2017). The Space Between Us: Social Geography and Politics. Cambridge University Press.
FrameWorks Institute. (2025). Changing conversations around immigration. https://www.frameworksinstitute.org/blog/changing-conversations-around-immigration/
Pettigrew, T. F., & Tropp, L. R. (2006). A meta-analytic test of intergroup contact theory. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 90(5), 751-783. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-3514.90.5.751
Putnam, R. D. (2007). E Pluribus Unum: Diversity and Community in the Twenty-first Century. Scandinavian Political Studies, 30(2), 137-174. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9477.2007.00176.x
Richeson, J. A., & Sommers, S. R. (2016). Toward a social psychology of race and race relations for the twenty-first century. Annual Review of Psychology, 67, 439-463. https://doi.org/10.1146/annurev-psych-010213-115115
Tropp, L. R., & Pettigrew, T. F. (2005). Relationships between intergroup contact and prejudice among minority and majority status groups. Psychological Science, 16(12), 951-957. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9280.2005.01643.x